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Monday, October 11, 2010

St. Francis/Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis: Proposed Finding--Summary Under the Criteria--That This Group Does Not Exist As A Indian or Abenaki Tribe: Pages 31 to 43:

St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis:
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Day also recounted his visit to an "Indian village" on Lake George, New York, on July 31, 1957 (Day 1948.07.00-1962.11.13, 14). He remarked that "no Abenakis" were present, only "Comanche and one Navaho," a statement demonstrating he was actively seeking out possible Abenaki villages in the United States (Day 1948.07.00-1962.11.13, 14). The petitioner has not claimed descent from any Western Abenakis that might have lived at this Lake George "Indian village," and the names of any individuals living there during that time are not in the available evidence. Day also wrote that one informant had stated there were "20-25 Indians" living in Waterbury, Connecticut, but he did not specify their names, Indian ancestry, or if they constituted a community. Another Day informant, John Watso, mentioned a "village of Abenaki" in New Hampshire, without offering details to their names, location, origin, or numbers. Watso also confirmed these Indians had not returned to the Odanak reserve in 50 years, indicating they were originally from the reservation in Canada (Day 1948.07.001962.11.13, 18-19).

Elsewhere Day stated the following: "[Irving] Hallowell told A. [Ambrose Obomsawin of Odanak] that some 250 Indians were living in the Victoriaville-Sherbrooke, Vermont, area as individuals separate from the reserve" (Day 1948.07.00-1962.11.13, 20). As best as can be determined, Ambrose Obomsawin most likely received this information between 1918 and 1932 when Hallowell conducted field work among the St. Francis Indians of Canada. It is unclear why Obomsawin was unaware of the existence of these individuals himself. It does not appear that these alleged 250 Indians were originally from Vermont, but, as the statement indicates, from the St. Francis reservation in Quebec. The statement also seems to indicate they were living as individuals, not as a group, dispersed across a large area of land mainly in Canada well east of Swanton, Vermont, the petitioner's claimed historical center at that time.

The journal also indicated Day spent a week in July 1961 on vacation in Swanton. He acknowledged "the site of the monument established on the old village site in 1909," but this was a reference to the historical Missisquoi village of the 18th century. He did not identify a Western Abenaki group containing the petitioner's claimed ancestors in the town (Day 1948.07.001962.11.13, 61). Indeed, during the 14-year period of the journal, Day never visited a group of the petitioner's ancestors in the Swanton area, nor did his St. Francis informants in Vermont or Canada connected to the Odanak reservation ever tell him of the existence of such a community. While these journal notes of Gordon Day identified some St. Francis Indians associated with the reservation in Quebec, and provided some vague, second-hand information about possible Indian groups in New York, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Canada, they did not identify a group of the petitioner's ancestors in any location.

The State of Vermont also submitted a December 1952 letter that Day sent to Charles Adams, head of a special commission to investigate Iroquois land claims in northern Vermont. There is no available evidence that a group of the petitioner's ancestors in northwestern Vermont challenged the Iroquois claim. Day advised Adams, "[w]hatever the status of Vermont in prehistory, the only Indians whom white settlers found actually living in Vermont were Abenakis, whose descendants now live at Odanak [St. Francis] near Pierreville, Quebec. More aggressive claims by Iroquoian groups should not be allowed to prejudice any claim which the St. Francis Abenaki [of Canada] may have" (Day 1952.12.28). Day did not identify a predecessor group of
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the petitioner's claimed ancestors or another contemporary Abenaki entity in Vermont that might have had claims to lands in the area.

In 1952 the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology published John R. Swanton's Indian Tribes of North America, five pages of which the State supplied. Swanton gave an overview of the Abenaki tribes in Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire during the aboriginal period. He also provided some population figures for the 1920's for the contemporary St. Francis Indians in Quebec and the Passamaquoddles in Maine. Swanton identified the four historical Indian groups in Vermont as he defined them—the "Abnaki [sic]," the "Mahican," the "Pennacook, and the Pocumtuc, as having once occupied certain parts of western Maine, eastern New Hampshire, and northwestern Vermont (Swanton 1952, 13, 18-19). Because John R. Swanton identified only historical rather than contemporary groups in Vermont, and since the petitioner is not a successor to the St. Francis Indians in Quebec or the Passamaquoddies of Maine, he did not identify a group of the petitioner's claimed ancestors as part of an Indian entity in 1952.

The State supplied several 1950's articles by John Huden, a professor of education at the University of Vermont, which appeared in Vermont History. In January 1955, the journal published Huden's "Vermont Sketchbook: Indians in Vermont—Past and Present," in which lie declared that "very few Indians" made "their homes in Vermont" at the time. Huden revealed that on Thompson's Point in Vermont "some twenty-odd Abenakis lived up to about 1939," but as of 1955, "only William and Marian Obumsawin, an aging brother-sister team," still lived "there in the little cottage their father [Simon] built when he migrated from Canada back in Teddy Roosevelt's administration." According to Huden, these two were "probably the last Indian-speaking Indians in the Champlain valley" (Huden 1955.01.00, 25). He did not identify by name the 20 or so "Abenakis" from 1939 as an Indian entity, indicate their place of origin other than in the case of William and Marian, or describe what happened to them, so there is no way to connect them to the petitioner. Moreover, Huden's claim that some "twenty-odd Abenakis" liven [sic] at Thompson's Point "up to about 1939" is not supported by Federal census data for the location. Federal census population schedules for Thompson's Point in Charlotte, Vermont, Chittenden County, for 1910, 1920, and 1930 recorded the small Obomsawin family as the only Indians in the area. In 1910, 1920 and 1930 there were three family members listed (1910, 1920, and 1930 Census, Charlotte, Vermont). The Federal decennial census reports for the entire county listed 9 Indians in 1910, 4 in 1920, and 6 in 1930. In 1950, there were only six reported (US Census Bureau 1932; US Census Bureau 1952).

Huden advised that a "hasty survey of Lake Champlain and Connecticut River townships" had shown "no Indian residents other than the Charlotte basket weavers [the Obomsawins]" (Huden 1955.01.00, 25). He concluded that "since the late 1600's no large permanent Indian settlements have thrived in Vermont" (Huden 1955.01.00, 27). Huden also provided some sporadic evidence of smaller Indian settlements that disappeared in the 18th century. In addition, some "early town histories" reported "occasional groups that trickled back from Canada after the French and Indian War." Despite these occasional sightings of small groups of unidentified Indians, Huden was "certain" the Algonquians had "left Vermont well before 1760," and had never returned "in any great numbers." Even modern visitors who moved "down from Canada to work on bridges
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and other steel structures" left their families behind "returning home only on weekends" (Huden 1955.01.00, 27-28).

Huden's 1956 article in Vermont History, a "Vermont Sketchbook: The Abenakis, the Iroquoians, and Vermont," was a five-page description of the Western Abenaki during early contact. He asserted the following: "The descendants of the survivors and other pitiful remnants of the New England Algonkians now dwell at St. Francis [in Quebec, Canada] and at Old Town, Maine" [the present-day location of the Penobscot Reservation just northeast of Bangor, Maine] (Huden 1955.0 1.00, see 1956 article, 23). He did not identify the petitioner's members living in the 1950's as part of these two groups. Nor did he identify any contemporary group of the petitioner's claimed ancestors in Vermont.

Also in 1956, Vermont History published Huden's "The Problem—Indians and White Men in Vermont—When and Where (1550-?)." This article described the Indians in Vermont during the early contact period (Huden 1956a, 110-119). According to Huden, "within 150 years of Champlain's visit practically all of these tribes [in Vermont], and other New England Algonkians had either been killed off entirely or at least greatly reduced in numbers. Their pitiful remnants, almost without exception, sought refuge in Canada—particularly at Odanak, St. Francis" (Huden 1956a, 115-116). The author did not identify any contemporary group of the petitioner's claimed ancestors.

Finally, Huden's "Adventures in Abnakiland [sic]" appeared in Vermont History in July 1957. It was a transcription of a letter from Huden to a Dr. Wood regarding some previous articles on Indians Huden had penned for the journal. In the letter, Huden explained his research in 1955, and his interaction with Chief Laurent of the St. Francis Indians of Quebec, who was helping him translate some Abenaki documents. Part of his research included visits to Odanak to discuss the Abenaki dialect with Laurent and other St. Francis Indians who were living at the Quebec reservation or were members of the Canadian tribe (Huden 1957.07.00, 185-193). Huden did not identify any of these  as part of an Indian group linked to the petitioner. individuals Although the author did identify the St. Francis Indians of Quebec and a few members of that tribe, he did not identify a contemporary group of the petitioner's claimed ancestors in Vermont.

In 1959, the Dartmouth Alumni Magazine published Gordon Day's "Dartmouth and St. Francis. (25.) It dealt with the relationship between Dartmouth College and the St. Francis Indians from Quebec who attended the college from the 1770's to 1840's. Day listed several of the family names on the Dartmouth rolls from that period which still constituted part of the contemporary St. Francis village in Quebec. According to Day, in 1959, the St. Francis tribe in Quebec had 130 resident Indians and 500 registered members. According to Day, a "sizeable" number of the Indians of St. Francis ancestry had "given up formal connection" with the St. Francis group in Quebec and lived elsewhere in the province, in Ontario, and the Northeastern United States (cited in Day 1998, 52-53). He did not, however, identify these migratory descendants as a group connected to the petitioner, nor did he identify a group of the petitioner's claimed ancestors in Vermont in 1959.
FOOTNOTES:
25. Reprinted in In Search of New England's Native Past, ed. by Michael K. Foster and William Cowan, (Amherst, 1998), 49-53, a copy of which came from the OFA library.

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One year later, Contributions in Anthropology published Day's "Tree Nomenclature of the St. Francis Indians." (26.) This article focused mainly on identification of tree species with Abenaki names, but contained some ethnology. Day conducted research for it in Quebec, Vermont, and New Hampshire, with ethnological and botanical data gathered from five informants at the St. Francis reserve in Quebec. He gave the resident population of reserve in 1960 as 150, with about 500 registered members. Day pointed out that migration to Canadian and American cities after World War I had reduced the population by about one-third. He asserted that "[d]escendants of Indians who left the village during the past 150 years and who do not maintain any formal connection with the band probably number several hundred" (cited in Day 1998, 7273). He did not, however, identify these migratory descendants as a group linked to the petitioner, nor did he identify a group of the petitioner's claimed ancestors in Vermont or anywhere else in 1960.

The State provided excerpts of a typed manuscript from the Vermont Historical Society by Elbridge Colby that described Indian names around Vermont. The catalog card from the historical society noted a "source" date of 1978 for this document, but a review of its contents suggests a date from the early 1960's. Colby worked as a journalist, professor at the University of Vermont, and government official. He spent his summers on Thompson's Point near Charlotte. These pages mainly classified Indian place names in Vermont, and did not identify any contemporary Indian entities in the state. In fact, while-describing Indian place names around Missisquoi Bay, the petitioner's claimed. ancestral center, Colby stated: "At its mouth, through most of the 1700's, there stood a very important Indian village called `Missisiasuk' now disappeared. There the 'people of the great grassy meadows' lived. But both the town and the people are gone" (Colby 1978.12.00).

The State also submitted excerpts from the 1963 work Vermont Indians, a self-published book by Thomas E. Daniels. The author was a member of the State Board of Historic Sites and an amateur archaeologist (Daniels 1963, 7-19, 58-63). Most of the excerpts dealt with pre-historical Indian cultures and archaeological sites. He discussed no post-1800 cultures in these excerpts, and identified no contemporary Indian entity in Vermont.

The State provided a copy of a 1968 article in the Indian Historian called "Indian Communities in the Eastern States," by William C. Sturtevant and Samuel Stanley, two experts on American Indian culture from the Smithsonian Institution. The two authors included population estimates for many Indian groups along the east coast. They presented the population tables as a summary of the "available data on Eastern Indian or possibly Indian communities" (Sturtevant and Stanley 1968, 15). Some groups were quite obscure. The authors went to great lengths to find as many Indian groups as possible. Indeed, they located "70 communities with population ranging from less than 10 to over 30,000 and totaling some 95 to 100,000," but none was in Vermont (Sturtevant and Stanley 1968, 16). For Maine, the authors provided totals for the Passamaquoddies, Penobscots, and Maliseets, none of which are Western Abenaki. They also reported 25 Abenakis in New York without giving an exact location (Sturtevant and Stanley 1968, 18). But the petitioner does not claim a genealogical or a historical connection to these unidentified Abenakis in New York, and the available evidence does not indicate any. The
FOOTNOTES:
26. See In Search of New England's Native Past, 72-73.
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authors did not identify the claimed ancestors of the petitioning group as an Indian entity in Vermont.

The State contributed a copy of W. E. Greening's 1966 article "Historic Odanak and the Abenaki Nation," which appeard in the Canadian Geographical Journal. It identified Odanak [Quebec, Canada], Old Town, Maine [Penobscots], and Becancour W8linak[Quebec, Canada] as the "only ... Abenaki settlements in North America today. . ." (Greening 1966,.96-97). The author did not identify the petitioning group as an Indian entity in Vermont.

In 1972, Theodore Taylor's The States and Their Indian Citizens was published. Taylor had served as Deputy Commissioner of the BIA from 1966 to 1970, and conducted research for the book from 1970 to 1971 while on a Federal Executive Fellowship with the Brookings Institution. The book supplied a comprehensive overview of state Indian groups and their relationships with local and state governments. Taylor identified a number of small and large Indian groups in New England not then recognized by the Federal Government, none of which was in Vermont. These groups included the Maliseet (517 members), Micmac (600), Passamaquoddy (563), Penobscot (400), Nipmuc (2 to 300), Gay Head Wampanoag (100), Mashpee Wampanoag (435), Narragansett (424), Eastern (11) and Western Pequot (2), Golden Hill (2), and Mohegan (150). Regarding Vermont, Taylor provided only the total number of individuals listed as Indian on the 1970 Federal census, which was 229 (Taylor 1972, 176, 206). He did not, however, identify the claimed ancestors of the petitioning group as an Indian entity in Vermont in 1972.

One year later, Man in the Northeast published Gordon Day's "Missisquoi: A New Look at an Old Village." (27.) Day first presented this article in 1973 as a paper at a meeting of the Northeastern Anthropological Association. Most of it dealt with the Missisquoi Indians of northwestern Vermont before 1800. Day explained that when the French abandoned North America following their defeat in the French and Indian War,

the Missisquoi Indians found themselves separated by the boundary line between New York and Lower Canada from their friends and relatives at St. Francis, their allies the French, and their closest trading center at Montreal. Their reaction was to lease their agricultural land on the Missisquoi River and move to St. Francis. This removal was neither simultaneous nor complete. They never relinquished their claim to the region and collected rent on it until at least 1800, many families returned to the Vermont shore of Lake Champlain until about 1922. With the departure of the bulk of the village about 1775, they practically disappear from New England history. . . . (cited in Day 1998, 146)

He further determined that shortly after 1800, "all the Western Abenaki were united at Saint Francis," in Quebec and the censuses at Odanak showed "the great majority of the family names were of Missisquoi origin." This development meant that in the 20th century," scholars were able to work "directly with the descendants of Missisquoi families, many of whom returned regularly to Missisquoi until the 1920's," making it "possible to recover a considerable amount of information about the culture and way of life of the Abenaki at Missisquoi" (Day 1998, 146-
FOOTNOTES:
27. See In Search of New England's Native Past, 141-147.
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147). In this article, Day did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as part of an Indian entity in Vermont in 1973, nor did he reveal the existence of any such group at any previous time in the 20th century.

Newspapers, Magazines, and Non-Scholarly Books

The State. contributed all the evidence in the record from newspapers, magazines, and non-scholarly books for 1900 to 1975.

One document contains excerpts from Lyman Haye's 1907 History of the Town of Rockingham, Vermont. This book was a local history of a Vermont town, located over 100 miles southeast from the town of Swanton. In it, the author discussed the historical Abenaki Indians in Vermont, mainly during the colonial period. Hayes mentioned a small group of unidentified Abenaki who in the early 1800's visited the area around Rockingham during the summer months. These were migratory Indians who came down the Connecticut River to sell some of their handcrafted goods to summer tourists. According to the author, around 1856 these Indians stopped visiting the locale (Hayes 1907). He did not identify any contemporary Indian entity in Vermont in 1907.

On December 4, 1913, the Swanton Courier published several articles describing early contact Vermont Indians. The first, an article by L. B. Truax, dealt with Indians in Franklin and Grand Isle Counties from the aboriginal and colonial periods. It mainly recorded finding Indian relics in an area occupied before 1800 by the Missisquoi Abenaki. As the author related, most of these Indians relocated to St. Francis in Quebec after 1800, although they occasionally returned, according to "old inhabitants," in "bands of 8 to 10 families to favorite camping grounds to spend part of the year, as late as 1835 or 1840" (Truax 1913.12.04). The article did not identify any of these migratory Indians of the early 19th century from St. Francis in Quebec. The second article, by an anonymous author, noted the finding of Indian relics on the Frick farm near Swanton, Vermont (Swanton Courier 1913.12.04). It did not identify any contemporary Indian entity in northwestern Vermont. The last article, also by an unknown author, portrayed Swanton as a good place to find Indian relics (Swanton Courier 1913.12.04). It did not identify a contemporary Indian entity of any kind.

The record contains excerpts from Walter 1-1111 Crockett's Vermont, the Green Mountain State, published in 1921. These excerpts dealt with the Indian presence in Vermont during the colonial period. The author discussed the existence of an 18th century Indian village in Newbury and one in Swanton (Crockett 1921, 49). He did not identify any contemporary Indian entity in Vermont.

The petition contains the first four pages from Frederic Palmer Wells's History of Barnet, Vermont, published in 1923. This was a local history of a town located in northeastern Vermont on the Connecticut River near the New Hampshire border, about 70 miles from Swanton. According to the author, nomadic Indians hunted in the area before white settlement. He reported "there was never, as far as we know, any permanent habitation of Indians in Barnet" (Wells 1923, 3). Wells also pointed out: "As late as 1780 there were about twenty Indian families in
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summer during several years" to sell "baskets and other trinkets," and to hunt and fish. The last group of these unidentified Indians arrived in 1857 from unknown origins (Wells 1923, 4). The author, however, did not identify any contemporary Indian entities in Vermont which might have contained the petitioner's claimed ancestors.

From July 1942 to January 1943, The Swanton Courier published a series of essays by Walter Bradford Scott entitled "Growing Up in Vermont." Scott, a long time resident of Swanton, described his childhood in the town. He did not identify any Indian group in Swanton in existence during his childhood or in 1941, but did mention at least one of the petitioner's claimed ancestors by name. On October 23, 1941, he portrayed William Morits as a beggar. He also mentioned one man who may have been an ancestor when he described "Duck" Brow as a meat- market employee. Although identification of an individual as Indian in not the test for criterion 83.7(a), none of these claimed ancestors were identified as Indian. In fact, Scott recorded only one person, Louis Button, as "part Indian" in the January 1941 article, but did not indicate that he was part of any Indian entity (Scott 1941.07.03). No one in the current petitioning group has claimed descent from Button.

Several articles from the 1950's dealt with Canadian Iroquois land claims in Vermont. On April 19, 1951, the Burlington Free Press published an article describing two Iroquois Indian chiefs from a reservation in Quebec (Kahnawá:ke) who had come to Vermont to present land claims to the State legislature. (One of these two Mohawk "Speaker's" or "Chief's" was John McComber a.k.a. "Poking Fire" of the Bear Clan) The claims encompassed Franklin, Chittenden, Grand Isle, Addison, and part of Rutland Counties in northwestern Vermont (Burlington Free Press 1951.04.19). One year later, the newspaper published an article on the appointment of Charles Adam to investigate these land claims in Vermont. It detailed Iroquois claims to 22,500 acres mainly in northern Vermont. The article identified only two Iroquois chiefs from Quebec (Burlington Free Press 1952.04.19). In November 1952, an article in the Daily Messenger also discussed Iroquois land claims in northern Vermont (Daily Messenger 1952.11. 10). Six years later, the Daily Messenger again published an article about Canadian Iroquois, 200 of them, coming to the state to make further land claims in northern Vermont (Daily Messenger 1958.04.08). None of these articles identified the petitioner's claimed ancestors as part of an Indian entity in Vermont. Nor did they describe any Indian entity from Vermont as objecting to the Iroquois land claims.

The State provided four pages of a 1955 Vermont History article by Steve Laurent on the aboriginal Abenakis of Vermont Laurent was hereditary chief of the St. Francis Reservation in Quebec, Canada. He expounded on some of the aboriginal Abenaki groups in northern New England, such as the Sokoki, the Penobscots, the Cowasucks, and the Missisquoi during the colonial period (Laurent 1955, 286-289). But he did not discuss any contemporary Indian entities in Vermont that might have included the petitioner's ancestors.

The State also submitted an essay by Mrs. Ellsworth Royce on the "last" of the Vermont Abenakis from the collections of the Vermont Historical Society. Information included in the essay indicates that Mrs. Royce wrote this essay between 1959 and 1969, when she donated it to the society. The text briefly recounted her experiences with the Obomsawin family who lived on Thompson Point's on Lake Champlain near Charlotte, Vermont. Mrs. Ellsworth Royce was a non-Indian woman who married the nephew of Marion and William Obornsawin, and she described her family visits to the Obomsawin house at Thompson's Point. This document
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revealed that the family originally came from the St. Francis reservation in Quebec, Canada, in the early 20th century. Although the author discussed individual Indians from Trois Rivières in Quebec, Intervals in New Hampshire, and Albany in New York, she did not identify the claimed ancestors of the petitioning group as being part of a Western Abenaki or Indian entity in Vermont or anywhere else (Royce 1959.00.00).

The petition record also contains 16 pages of excerpts from Alfred Tamarin's We Have Not Vanished, Eastern Indians of the United States, published in 1974. This work covered Indian groups on the east coast of the United States, but the excerpts provided dealt only with the Indian groups of New England, New York, and New Jersey. For Vermont, he found "there were over 200 Indians living in the state probably from tribes throughout the east as well as the rest of the country." He stated there were "no official tribal groupings in the state and no state agency concerned with Indian affairs." He further claimed "Vermont's modern Indian citizens are not descended from the state's original inhabitants." Rather, he concluded they descended from Indians from other New England states: Abenaki from Maine, Mahican from New York, Pennacook from New Hampshire, and other Indian groups from Massachusetts (Tamarin 1974, 43-44). Tamarin also identified a "community" of "about 25 Abenaki" near Lake George, New York (Tamarin 1974, 84), but the available evidence does not show that the petitioner had a connection to this group. The author did not identify the claimed ancestors of the petitioning group as an Indian entity in northwestern Vermont, where at that time, according to the petitioner, they numbered about 1,500.

Summary Analysis of Evidence for Criterion 83.7(a), 1976 to the Present

As the following analysis shows, external observers have identified the petitioner on a substantially continuous basis since 1976.

Identification as an Indian Entity by Federal Authorities

The available evidence shows the first identification of the group by Federal authorities occurred on April 4, 1976, during a hearing on "Non-Federally Recognized and Terminated Indians" before the American Indian Policy Review Commission (AIPRC), Task Force #10. This document was an excerpt of the testimony of Ronnie Cannes, identified by the commissioners as being "with the Abenaki Tribal Council" (AIPRC 1976.04.09, 1:114). The commission members lacked information about the group and the council's activities and were relying on Cannes for details. Cannes claimed there were 1,500 Indians, unidentified by "tribal" entity, in 4 of the State's 14 counties based on information collected by the local Indian manpower office of the Boston Indian Council. He reported 600 Native Americans for Swanton alone, but did not specify a "tribal" entity (AIPRC 1976.04.09, 1:117-1:118). Later in his testimony, Cannes repeated the 1,500 number, claiming this many Indians for northern Vermont, without supplying a "tribal" entity (AIPRC 1976.04.09, 1:124). During this hearing, the commission referred several times to the petitioning group's leadership as the "Abenaki Tribal Council," which was a commonly known designation for the petitioner's governing body at the time (AIPRC 1976.04.09, 1:122, 1:137). Because of the commission's repeated references to the "Abenaki Tribal Council," there is a reasonable likelihood that this document was an identification of the petitioning group by an external observer.
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An October 22, 1992, ruling by the U.S. District Court in Vermont identified the petitioner. In the case, the petitioning group, identified as the "Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi" along with its governing body, the "Abenaki Tribal Council," sued the Army Corps of Engineers and the town of Swanton to prevent the raising of spillway elevation at a hydroelectric facility in Highgate, Vermont. It claimed the intended action violated Federal statutes, including several environmental laws and the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPIZA). In its ruling, the United States District Court acknowledged the group was not a Federal tribe as "recognized by the Secretary of the Interior," but accepted it as an "Indian tribe" for purposes of NAGPRA because its members received some "funds and assistance from the United States" due to their "status as Indians" (US District Court 1992.10.22, 39).

State Documents that Identified an American Indian Entity

The petitioner and the State furnished a copy of Jane Stapleton Baker's October 1976 "Report to Governor Thomas P. Salmon of the State of Vermont Regarding the Claims Presented by the Abenaki Nation." In the report's introductory letter, Baker, a consultant hired by the State to verify the claims of the "Abenaki" group, announced she had spent three months studying the
petitioner. Baker claimed the "reformulation of the Abenaki Tribal Council" started in 1972 (Baker 1976.10.15, 8). The council "developed from a loose network of friends, relatives and fellow veterans living in and around the Swanton-Highgate Springs area." Baker reported the group had 400 members in 1976 (Baker 1976.10.15, 8). Because Baker referred to the group as the "Abenaki Nation of Vermont" and its governing body as the newly-formed "Abenaki Tribal Council," this document identified the petitioner as an Indian entity (Baker 1976.10.15, 8-14).

The petitioner submitted a copy of Governor Thomas Salmon's November 24, 1976, executive order establishing a State commission on Indian Affairs and identifying the petitioning group as the "Abenaki Tribe" and its governing body as the "Abenaki Tribal Council." The order stated that "in 1974, certain native American people living within the state of Vermont as members of the Abenaki Tribe reconstituted their governing body the Abenaki Tribal Council" (Salmon 1976.11.24). Although Salmon's successor rescinded this order two months later, it was an identification of the petitioner as an Indian entity for 1976.

In addition, the petitioner submitted a copy of Governor Richard Snelling's June 17, 1983, proclamation identifying the petitioner as the "St. Francis/ Sokoki Band," and as the "legitimate representative of individuals of Abenaki descent residing in the State of Vermont." He also accorded his "support" for the group's "seeking recognition" from the Federal Government (Snelling 1983.06.17). While it is somewhat unclear if the Governor was recognizing an actual group of Indians or simply an organization that functioned as legal representative for people claiming Abenaki descent, there is a reasonable likelihood that this document identified the petitioning group as an American Indian entity.

One State court document also identified the group. It was the State of Vermont v. Harold St. Francis, et al., Vermont District Court-Franklin County, August 11, 1989. This was a fishing rights case that involved some of the petitioning group's members, including its leader Harold St. Francis. While the district court (Judge Joseph Wolchik) dismissed the idea that "Indian country" existed in Vermont, it did rule the defendants' "aboriginal right to fish" still existed "because aboriginal title was
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never extinguished." At various places in the record, the court identified the petitioner as the "Missisquoi Abenaki" of Vermont, a name which external sources have occasionally used to identify the group since the 1970's. The court record also identified the petitioner's self-help organization—the Abenaki Self Help Association, created in the 1970's (Vermont District Court 1989.00.00, 32-34) (28.)

County, Parish, or Other Local Government Documents that Identified an American Indian Entity

In September 1995, the town of Burlington, Vermont, passed a resolution identifying the petitioner as the "Abenaki Nation" and the "Abenaki of Missisquoi," names which have sometimes been used to identify the group since the 1970's. The resolution stated that the group had "at least 2,000 members" residing "around Swanton and the Missisquoi Bay." It also pointed out the group had petitioned for Federal recognition (Burlington 1995.09.18). Since the group was (and is) the only petitioner for Federal acknowledgment from the State of Vermont, there is a reasonable likelihood that this resolution was an identification of the petitioner in 1995.

Scholarly Documents that Identified an American Indian Entity

There are two identifications of the group by William Haviland, chairman of the Anthropology Department at the University of Vermont. The petitioner submitted a December 20, 1976, letter to the editor from Haviland to the Burlington Free Press. In it, he depicted the opposition to the "state recognition of the Abnakis [sic]" as "disturbing" and based on "erroneous information." In this case, Haviland was referring to the Governor's executive order that had identified the petitioning group a few weeks earlier. He based his historical argument on Gordon Day's work on the Abenakis in Vermont during the colonial period. He argued Day had "pointed out that the Abnakis at St. Francis [Odanak] . . . essentially consist of descendants of families from Lake Champlain." Haviland proposed these were the "same Abnakis [the St. Francis Indians in Quebec identified by Day] who just formally acknowledged the legitimacy of the Vermont Abnakis." In this instance, Haviland was referring to an August 20, 1976, resolution from the St. Francis (or "Odanak") Indians of Quebec (Retrospectively, the 'late' Walter Watso and the Odanak Band Council of the time period). Based on these facts, Haviland believed "the governor's decision to recognize the Vermont group was "eminently reasonable and desirable" (Haviland 1976.12.20). This letter to the editor identified the petitioner, referred to as the "Vermont Abenakis," as an American Indian entity. (29.)
FOOTNOTES:
28.
See FAIR Image File ID: ACR-PFD-V001-D001.

29. This letter conflicts with Haviland's letter to Gordon Day, dated April 22, 1976, in which he confessed surprise at the alleged number of Indians in Vermont (1,500 as originally claimed by the petitioning group) and admitted to his lack of knowledge of the petitioning group (Haviland 1976.04.22). In addition, nothing in Day's writings to that time confirmed the existence of a group of Western Abenaki in Vermont after 1800. Indeed, Day had argued, and would continue to do so, that almost all the Western Abenaki in Vermont had removed to St. Francis in Quebec by that time. While Day acknowledged that isolated St. Francis Indians from Odanak in Quebec continued returning to Vermont up to the mid-20th century, some temporarily and others permanently, he never identified any entity of Western Abenaki in Vermont for that period.
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The State submitted the preface and sixth chapter of the 1994 edition of Haviland's The Original Vermonters, and the Department library has a copy of the 1981 edition. Most of the book, except for the final chapter, covered the pre-1800 period. Regarding the current petitioner, identified here as the "St. Francis Sokoki Band," the 1981 edition gave some population estimates of "between 1,500 and 2,000 Abenakis living in Vermont." The largest number were in the Swanton-Highgate area of Franklin County, with fewer amounts in St. Johnsbury, Orleans, Waterville, Hyde Park-Eden, or dispersed around the state (Haviland 1994, 250-253). Haviland also described the events surrounding the formation of the group's council in the 1970's. This book identified the petitioner by name as an American Indian entity.

The State provided a copy of Gordon Day's 1981 Identity of the Saint Francis Indians. This was a survey, mainly up to 1800, of the composition and demographics of the St. Francis Indians at Odanak in Quebec, Canada. Regarding the historical Missisquoi Band of Western Abenaki in northwestern Vermont, from which the petitioning group claims to have descended, Day stated that a "small village still existed at Missisquoi in 1786 after the [Revolutionary] war. Only some twenty persons remained in 1788, and these may have stayed on to contribute to the present-day Indian group at Swanton, but most of the Missisquoi had left by 1800." He stressed, however that by "1800 all but a few scattered individuals seem to have left northern Vermont, New Hampshire, and western Maine for Odanak, although they continued to hunt south of the border for many years." According to Day, the tribal composition of the Odanak village was essentially completed by that time (Day 1981, 65). While Day did not identify the petitioner by name, his reference to "the present-day group at Swanton" presents a reasonable likelihood that he was referring to the current petitioner. This book identified the petitioning group as an American Indian entity in 1981.

Also included in the petition was a copy of Colin Calloway's 1990 Western Abenakis of Vermont. Most of the study analyzed the pre-1800 history of the Western Abenaki. Regarding the current petitioner, Calloway claimed the group "reconstituted" itself in the 1970's because its members were "no longer afraid or ashamed of admitting their Indian identity," and "were tired of resting at the bottom of the social and economic ladder." So they "took action to improve their community's well-being while preserving its cultural heritage" by forming a council and reconstituting the "St. Francis-Sokoki Band of the Abenaki Nation" of Swanton (Calloway 1990a, 248). Calloway identified the petitioner by name as an American Indian entity in 1990.

The State submitted a copy of Gary W. Hume's 1991 article on Joseph Laurents "Indian Camp" at Intervals, New Hampshire. (30.) It began with a brief analysis of the geography of the historical Western Abenaki (Hume 1991, 102-103). The rest of the article examined Joseph Laurent, a chief of the Saint Francis Indians at Odanak in Quebec, and a summer camp he established ill 1884 in the village of Intervals in the Town of Conway in New Hampshire's White Mountains. Laurent ran the camp until 1917, when his wife and family assumed operations and kept it going until 1960. His son maintained the site afterwards. The camp became and remains an important spot for the tourist trade, and for Indians to sell baskets and handicrafts (Hume 1991, 105-106).
FOOTNOTES:
30. It appeared in Alkongians of New England: Past and Present published by the Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife Annual Proceedings.
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Hume mentioned that Frank Speck "spent many summers" from 1915 to 1944 at the Laurent camp. Irving Hallowell, a Speck student and his "successor" at the University of Pennsylvania, also spent many summers from 1918 to 1932 at Intervale and Odanak. Finally, Gordon Day from Dartmouth University made many trips from 1952 to 1965 to the camp (Hume 1991, 1091 1 1). Hume, however, did not indicate that Laurent or any of these anthropologists ever discussed the existence of the claimed ancestors of petitioning group as an Indian entity in Vermont. Nor did he claim individuals from any such entity ever visited Laurent's camp. There is also no evidence in the article to suggest the Laurents visited any Western Abenaki community from the Swanton area of Vermont, where the petitioner claimed the core of its membership lived.

Regarding the 1970's and 1980's, Hume noted: "Abenaki ethnic identity has been strengthened further by the political emergence of the Missisquoi Abenaki. For two decades now Missisquoi Abenaki have sought political recognition and redress for lands they claim were taken illegally without compensation following the American Revolution." "Missisquoi Abenaki" has been a term occasionally used since the early 1970's to identify the group. He also stated that the "group" had "been active in the identification and preservation of burial sites and sacred places" (Hume 1991, 113), as confirmed by other evidence in this petition. Given Hume's use of the term "Missisquoi Abenaki," the sources he referenced which also identified the petitioner, and the context of his discussion, there is a reasonable likelihood that this article identified the petitioner as an American Indian entity in 1991.

Newspapers, Magazines, and Non-Scholarly Books that Identified an Entity

Newspapers, magazines, and non-academic books have regularly identified the petitioner since 1976. Several items dealt with the group's formation in the middle 1970's and the controversy surrounding Governor Salmon's November 1976 recognition of the group. These newspapers articles and other works referred to the group as "Swanton's tribe of Abenaki Indians," the "Abenaki tribe of Vermont," or the "Vermont Abenakis" (Hall 1976.12.13; Anonymous 1977.02.00; Pierce 1977.00.00; Abbey 1979.07.22; Slayton 1981.09.00; Gram 2002.07.12).

Many newspaper and magazine articles discussed the frequent political fissures that have developed within the petitioning group over the last 30 years. They also identified leaders of the group like Homer St. Francis and other well-known members. These articles identified the group as the "Abenaki Nation," "Abenaki Tribe," "Abenaki Tribal Council," "Abenaki Tribal Nation," and similar names (Kreiger 1977.05.00; Hoague 1977.01.12; Reid 1977.10.21; Abbey 1979.00.00; Daley 1987.11.29, 1988.01.07, 1988.01.10, 1988.01.11; Cowperthwait 1995.10.29; Anonymous 1995.10.30; Walsh 1995.11.07).

Other items dealt with the group's land claims or court cases involving its members' attempts to fish or hunt without a State license. These documents also referred to the group's leader Homer St. Francis and other well-known members by name, discussed its petition for Federal recognition, and its self-help association. These documents usually described the group imprecisely with such broad terms as the "Abenakis," "Abenaki Indians," or "Abenakis of Vermont," but based on references to the group's leaders and the context of the topics discussed there is more than a reasonable likelihood that they identified the petitioning group (Daley
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1987.09.10; Grodinsky 1987.11.11; Daley 1988.01.10; Polumbaum 1988.03.16; New York Times 1989.08.15, 1992.06.18).

Several newspaper articles focused on the leadership of Homer St. Francis, the group's leader for most of the period since 1976. These materials identified the group he led as the "Abenaki Nation," "St. Francis-Sokoki Band of Abenakis of Vermont," "Abenaki Tribal Council," or "Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi" (New York Times 1987.09.13; 1988.10.02, 1991.04.02; Daley 1987.09.13; Cowperthwait 1988.03.10, 1988.10.10, 1989.09.12; Diamond 1989.01.01; Ballinger 1995.11.17; Indian Country Today 1995.11.23; Jones 2001.07.12.).

Documents from Indian Organizations that Identified an Indian Entity

The OFA administrative correspondence file contained a copy of a 1988 statement of support from the New England Indian Task Force for the "Saint Francis Sokoki Band of Abenaki Indians in their efforts to secure justice and prosperity for all members of their nation" (New England Indian Task Force 1988.00.00). This document identified the petitioning group by name as an American Indian entity.

Conclusion
The available evidence demonstrates that no external observers identified the petitioning group or a group of the petitioner's ancestors from 1900 to 1975. External sources have identified the petitioner on a regular basis only since 1976. Therefore, the petitioning group has not been identified on a substantially continuous basis since 1900 and does not meet criterion 83.7(a).

The petitioner is encouraged to submit documentation that they were identified as an Indian entity from 1900 to 1975 if it wishes to overcome the documentary deficiency in the current record, which suggests the group was recently formed in the middle 1970's.

Saturday, October 9, 2010

St. Francis/Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis: Proposed Finding--Summary Under the Criteria--That This Group Does Not Exist As A Indian or Abenaki Tribe: Pages 20 to 30:

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CONCLUSIONS UNDER THE CRITERIA
(25 CFR 83.7)
Evidence for this proposed finding was submitted by the SSA and the State, and obtained through some limited independent research by the OFA staff to verify and evaluate the arguments submitted by the petitioner and interested parties. This proposed finding is based on the evidence available, and, as such, does not preclude the submission of other evidence during the comment period following the finding's publication. Such new evidence may result in a modification or reversal of the proposed finding's conclusions. The final determination, which will be published after the receipt of any comments and responses, will be based on both the evidence used in formulating the proposed finding and any new evidence submitted during the comment period.

Executive Summary of the Proposed Finding's Conclusions

The proposed finding reaches the following conclusions under each of the mandatory criteria under 25 CFR Part 83:

The petitioner does not meet criterion 83.7(a). The available evidence demonstrates no external observers identified the petitioning group or a group of the petitioner's ancestors as an American Indian entity from 1900 to 1975. External sources have identified the petitioner on a regular basis only since 1976. Therefore, the petitioning group has not been identified as an Indian entity on a substantially continuous basis since 1900, and does not meet criterion 83.7(a).

The petitioner does not meet criterion 83.7(b). The available evidence does not demonstrate the petitioning group and its claimed ancestors descended from a historical Indian tribe, and therefore the petitioner did not establish that it comprises a distinct community that has existed as a community from historical times until the present. The petitioner has not provided sufficient evidence to establish that a predominant portion of the petitioning group has comprised a continuous community distinct from other populations since first sustained contact with non-Indians. The available evidence indicates that the petitioner's organization was only established in the early 1970's. Since that time social interaction has been limited to a small portion of the group's membership. Therefore, the petitioner does not meet criterion 83.7(b).

The petitioner does not meet criterion 83.7(c). The petitioner has not provided sufficient evidence to establish that it or any antecedent maintained political authority or influence over members as an autonomous entity since first sustained contact. The available evidence indicates that the exercise of political authority, formal or informal, has existed within the group only since the mid-1970's. Since that time political influence has been limited to a small number of members, who do not appear to have a significant bilateral relationship with the rest of the membership. Therefore, the petitioner does not meet criterion 83.7(c).

The petitioner meets criterion 83.7(d). The petitioner has presented a copy of its governing document and its membership criteria.
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The petitioner does not meet criterion 83.7(e). The petitioner submitted a membership list dated August 9, 2005, which was received by the Secretary on August 23, 2005. This list named 2,506 individuals, 1,171 of whom were designated as current, full-fledged members. The petitioner has not provided sufficient evidence acceptable to the Secretary that its membership consists of individuals who descend from a historical Indian tribe or from historical Indian tribes which combined and functioned as a single autonomous political entity.

The petitioner asserts that its present membership descends from the Missisquoi, a Western Abenaki tribe of Algonquian Indians that during the colonial period occupied the Lake Champlain region around the town of Swanton in northwestern Vennont. However, the petitioner has not provided sufficient evidence to establish that a predominant portion of the petitioning group descends from that entity or any other historical Indian tribe.

In addition, the petitioner's current membership list, dated August 9, 2005, and received by the Secretary on August 23, 2005, is not properly certified, and in many circumstances does not provide the full name, maiden name of married women, date of birth, and current place of residence of all members as required by the regulations. No evidence has been submitted for more than 90 percent of the membership to demonstrate that those individuals have applied for membership or even know they are on the membership list. Therefore, the petitioner does not meet the requirements of 83.7(e).

The petitioner meets criterion 83.7(f). The petitioner's membership is composed principally of persons who are not members of any federally acknowledged North American Indian tribe.

The petitioner meets criterion 83.7(g). Neither the petitioner nor its members are the subject of congressional legislation that has expressly terminated or forbidden the Federal relationship.

Failure to meet any one of the mandatory criteria will result in a determination that the group does not exist as an Indian tribe within the meaning of Federal law. The petitioner has failed to meet criteria 83.7(a), (b), (c), and (e). Therefore, the proposed finding concludes the petitioner does not exist as an Indian tribe.
 
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Criterion 83.7(a) requires that
the petitioner has been identified as an American Indian entity on a substantially continuous basis since 1900. Evidence that the group's character as an Indian entity has from time to time been denied shall not be considered to be conclusive evidence that this criterion has not been met.

Introduction

Criterion 83.7(a) is designed to evaluate the existence of the petitioner since 1900. The key to this criterion is identification of the petitioning group as an American Indian entity by an external source or sources. This criterion is intended to exclude from acknowledgment collections of Indian individuals that have not been identified as an Indian group or entity. It is also meant to prevent the acknowledgment of petitioners that have been identified as an Indian entity only in recent times, or whose Indian identity depends solely on self-identification. The regulations require substantially continuous identification since 1900, but provide no specific interval. Consistent identification is the primary requisite.

From 1900 to 1975, the available evidence demonstrates that no external observer identified the petitioning group now known as the "St. Francis/Sokoki Band of the Abenaki Nation of Vermont" (SSA). Thus, the petitioner was not identified as an American Indian entity on a substantially continuous basis during that 75-year period. External sources have regularly identified the petitioning group as an American Indian entity only since 1976.

Petitioner's Claims

As described in its overview of the historical tribe, the petitioner claims to have descended as a group mainly from the Missisquoi, a historical Western Abenaki tribe of Algonquian Indians that occupied the Lake Champlain region of northwest Vermont during much of the colonial period.

Since its initial organization in 1976, the petitioning group has functioned or been identified under several names. In its 1980 letter of intent for Federal acknowledgment, the group used the name "St. Francis /Sokoki Band of Abenaki of Vermont." Over the last 29 years the petitioner and its governing body have employed various other names, including "Abenaki Nation," "St Francis/Sokoki Band," "Abenaki Nation of Vermont," "Abenaki Tribal Council," "Sovereign Abenaki Nation," "Vermont Abenaki," "Council of the, Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi," "Sovereign Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi," "Sovereign Republic of the Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi," "Sovereign Republic of the Abenaki Nation International," and the "Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi St. Francis/Sokoki Band." For the analysis under criterion 83.7(a), all the available evidence from 1900 to the present in the record was examined to determine if any external observers identified an Indian entity, by any of these names or otherwise, composed of the petitioner's members or claimed ancestors in the northwestern area of Vermont in the Lake
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Champlain region. There is no available evidence to show there was a group identified by any of those names or other names from 1900 to 1975.

To explain the lack of identifications before 1976; the petitioner argued that "Abenaki families living in northwestern Vermont after 1800 were "only rarely ... identified as Indians or aborigines, except by their closest neighbors, the same people who...either stigmatized or ignored them." In addition, official records since 1800 "usually supported the widespread view that all Indians left Vermont after 1800" (SSA 1982. 10.00 Petition, 145). As the below analysis shows, the petitioner submitted few primary documents to establish that it meets criterion 83.7(a) for the period from 1900 to 1975.

State of Vermont 's Comments
The State asserted the following:

The evidence presented by the petitioner is totally insufficient to satisfy Criterion (a). The additional evidence presented in the State's Response to the Petition contradicts the petitioner's contention that it existed as an Indian entity from 1800 to 1976, or even 1981. The numerous examples of scholars who searched but did not discover this Indian entity weighs [sic] heavily against the petitioner's claims. It stretches credulity to believe that the petitioner existed as a tribe when Frank Speck, A. Irving Hallowell, Gladys Tantaquidgeon, Gordon Day, John Huden, and Alfred Tamarin were unaware of them. For the seventy-five year period between 1900 and 1976, there are simply no external observations of an Indian entity in northwestern Vermont—or anywhere in Vermont. (VER 2002.12.002003.01.00 [Response], 119-120) (15.)

To support its argument, the State submitted most of the evidence from 1900 to 1975 examined for this criterion. The remainder of the evidence came from the OFA administrative correspondence file or the Department library.

Summary Analysis of Evidence for Criterion 83.7(a), 1900 to 1975

The types of evidence described by the regulations at section 83.7(a)(1-7) for meeting criterion 83.7(a) include repeated identifications of the group as an Indian entity by Federal, State, or local authorities, or by scholars, newspapers, or historical tribes, or national Indian organizations. The following does not summarize every document submitted. Instead, it introduces the major forms of evidence demonstrating where the petitioner does and does not meet the criterion. The following analysis demonstrates external observers did not identify the petitioning group as an Indian entity in the available evidence from 1900 to 1975.
FOOTNOTES:
15. See FAIR Image File ID VER-PFD-V0-08-D00-04.
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Federal Authorities

The petitioner did not submit any records generated by Federal sources. The State submitted all the Federal documents in the record for 1900 to 1975 evaluated for this proposed finding, none of which identified the petitioner as an American Indian entity. These included the population schedules of the Federal decennial census for three cities in Franklin County, in northwestern Vermont: Swanton and Highgate in 1900, and St. Albans in 1910. Franklin County is the claimed historical center of the petitioner's claimed ancestors. Census enumerators did not identify the petitioning group as an American Indian entity in Swanton or Highgate in the pages of the census provided. Instead, they identified individuals, all of whom were listed as "white" in the racial category (1900 Census Swanton, Vermont; 1900 Census Highgate, Vermont). They did not identify an Indian entity for St. Albans, where almost all the residents were reported as "white." The pages provided from the St. Albans census, the enumerator may have recorded four individuals from one family as "Indian," but the surnames are illegible (1910 Census St. Albans, Vermont). Identifications of an individual or individuals as having Indian ancestry do not constitute external identifications of an American Indian entity.

The State also supplied portions of Federal decennial census reports for Vermont from 1900 to 1970 (16. ). These census records furnished only the total number of people listed as "white," "Negro," and "Indian" by county. The statistics for those listed as Indian did not include tribal affiliations or specific Indian entities. As late as 1970, the census documented only 229 Indians in Vermont. It recorded 3 Indians in Addison County; 9 in Bennington; 7 in Caledonia; 46 in Chittenden; 3 in Essex; 9 in Franklin (the petitioning group's claimed historical center); 1 in Grand Isle; 14 in Lamoille; 5 in Orange; 5 in Orleans; 26 in Rutland; 26 in Washington; 36111 Windham; and 39 in Windsor (US Census Bureau 1973.01 .00) (17.)

The State provided 26 World War I draft registration forms for individuals claimed as ancestors by some petitioning group members. All the registrants identified themselves as "white," without comment by the registrar (US Military 2002.12.00). While these documents do provide some genealogical and biographical information about some of the group's claimed ancestors, they were not external identifications of those ancestors as an American Indian entity from 1917 to 1918.
FOOTNOTES:
16. See US Census Bureau 1901, US Census Bureau 1922; US Census Bureau 1932; US Census Bureau 1943; US Census Bureau 1952; US Census Bureau 1960; US Census Bureau 1973.01.00.

17. In 1980, the number of Indians recorded on the census expanded significantly. The census counted 984 Indians; 164 in the town of Burlington; 20 in Addison County; 38 in Bennington County; 16 in Caledonia County; 156 in Chittenden County, 7 in Essex County, 422 in Franklin County (183 in Swanton, and 91 in Highgate); 25 in Grand Isle County; 15 in Lamoille County; 29 in Orange County; 22 in Orleans County; 59 in Rutland County; 107 in Washington County; 91 in Windham County; 67 in Windsor County (US Census Bureau 1982.08.00). By 1990 about 1600 people identified themselves as Indian, with 585 in Franklin County. The number of Indians for other counties was: Addison, 77; Bennington, 54; Caledonia, 100; Chittenden, 294; Essex, 18; Grande Isle, total illegible; La Moille, 48; Orange, 67, Orleans, 56; Rutland, 70, Washington, 106, Windham, 74, and Windsor, 124 (US Census Bureau 1992.06.00). During this period, the petitioning group claimed about 2,200 members, mainly in Franklin County. The 1980 and 1990 census decennial reports listed only the number of Indians reported in Vermont and did not identify any Indian entities in the state.
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Also included in the State submission were five pages of the 1937 guide to Vermont by the Works Progress Administration (WPA). The pages provided some details about the ethnic composition of Vermont's population at that time. They described several ethnic groups, with French-Canadians being the largest, but did not identify the petitioning group as an American Indian entity or any Indian entity in Vermont (WPA 1937, 51-52). One page mentioned an unidentified Indian "chieftain" in Bellows Falls, Vermont (120 miles southwest of the petitioning group's claimed historical center), described as the "last Abnaki [sic] seen" in the town, who in 1856 came to the area to die, and was later buried in an unmarked grave (WPA 1937, 84). This reference to the past was not to an antecedent of the petitioning group, and clearly did not identify this unidentified identify any group after the unidentified alleged Indian's death.

The State provided excerpts from Gladys Tantaquidgeon's 1934 study of New England Indians, produced for the Office of Indian Affairs. A few pages offered a historical overview of various New England Indian groups. In portraying the social status of all these entities, the author reported "nearly 3,000 Indian descendants in the surviving bands in the New England area." Regarding the "the northern portion of the New England area, among the Wabanaki (18.) peoples, there has been a strong infusion of French blood since early times, and also some English, Scotch, and Irish" (Tantaquidgeon 1934, 4). She stated the "surviving bands" of "Wabanaki" were "the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Malecite [Maliseet], and the neighboring Micmac in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia" (Tantaquidgeon 1934, 2). Tantaquidgeon supplied a table of population figures for several mainly rural New England Indian groups, large and small, in states outside of Vermont, including the Penobscots and the Passamaquoddies of Maine, but she did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as part of any of these groups, or as an American Indian entity in Vermont or elsewhere.

The State submitted a partial chronology written in 1941 by Roaldus Richmond, supervisor of the WPA's Vermont Writers Project. Richmond included it in a February 1941 letter to Professor Arthur W. Peach of Norwich University in Vermont. The chronology, covering 1609 to 1860, was originally intended for a State Fact Book, but Richmond urged Peach to use it as a pamphlet for the Vermont Historical Society's Sesquicentennial. For 1856, the chronology noted: "Last native Indians in State leave Bellows Falls for Canada, November" (Richmond 1941.02. 10 and Richmond 1941.02. 10 Chronology, 17). The author cited no reference for this claim. While the chronology did provide some limited historical information about unidentified Indians leaving Vermont in 1856, it did not identify the petitioning group as an American Indian entity in 1941 or at any other time in the 20th century.

Relationships with State Governments

The petition record contains several documents from 1927 to 1944, almost all of which were submitted by the State, related to the Eugenics Survey of Vermont 19 (Survey or VES). This project was sponsored in the 1920's and 1930's by the University of Vermont with backing from
FOOTNOTES:18. "Wabanaki" refers to the Wabanaki Confederacy, a political alliance formed in the middle 18th century of several northeastern Algonquian tribes including the Micmac, Maliseet, Passamaquoddy, and Penobscot, none of which were Western Abenaki. Sometimes it was also an older term used in place of Abenaki.

19. See Criterion 83.7(b) for more details on the Eugenics Survey.
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State officials, including the Governor. (20.) These records are analyzed here because the petitioner claims the Survey targeted some of its members' ancestors due to their Western Abenaki ancestry, suggesting the possibility that the claimed ancestors may have been identified as part of an Indian entity within some of the records. (21.) One document, submitted by the State, is a three-page excerpt from the Eugenics Survey third annual report. "This excerpt discussed "some English Corruptions of French Names," and listed some English family names with their French equivalent. Survey researchers "encountered" these names "in the course of [their] investigations" (University of Vermont 1929.00.00, 4-6). The document gave only limited information about French-Canadian family names and did not identify any Indian entity.

Included in the State submissions were portions of two documents by Henry Perkins, head of the Eugenics Survey. The first was part of a leaflet of a paper Perkins originally presented as an address in 1927 to the Legislative Forum of the Vermont Conference for Social Work, in which he reviewed the project. According to Perkins, Survey researchers obtained the names of prospective subjects for the study from the State industrial school, other State institutions, and the Vermont Children's Aid Society. The chosen families, he explained, were "conspicuously detrimental in the communities" (Perkins 1927.00.00, 6). The Survey eventually selected 62 families with 4,642 individuals: To categorize them, the Survey applied various sobriquets, including "Pirates," (Jeromes, Ploof's and some Phillips') "Gypsies," (Phillips and Way's) and "Chorea" (LaCroix dit Cross's). The "Pirate" group contained mainly poor families living near rivers or Lake Champlain (these families lived on Lac Champlain and the major rivers, as "Boat People"). The "Gypsy" group migrated in the State during the summer and fall selling baskets and other wares (these were the Phillips family going from "The Plains" in South Burlington, VT to Burlington, through the Bay in Colchester, then they would hook up to Route 15, over to "Paradise Alley" or what was "Gypsy Devil Jake Way's" home in West Danville-North Peacham, along the west side of Keiser Pond in Vermont...all the way to Belfast, Maine) . In the winter, they lived in rural areas, usually relocating annually. In the case of the "Chorea" group, it supposedly had a large number of individuals with mental illnesses or nervous disorders (Perkins 1927.00.00, 7-9). It further categorized 766 as paupers, 380 as "feeble minded," 119 as in prison or having criminal records, 73 as illegitimate, 202 as "sex offenders," (such as the Sweetser baksetmaking family, the Way's and the Woodward's as well) and 45 as having some severe physical "defect," such as "blindness" or "paralysis." None of the families was categorized by race or ethnicity (Perkins 1927.00.00, 10-11). While this report reveals the methodology of the Eugenics Survey, and how it went about selecting and categorizing its subjects, nothing in it demonstrates the project identified or dealt with an Indian entity.

The second Perkins document was part of a 1930 booklet entitled Hereditary Factors in Rural Communities. It was a reprint of an article that had appeared earlier that year in Eugenics, a publication of the American Eugenics Society. Perkins also presented it at the Society's 1930 annual meeting. Perkins asserted the Eugenics Survey started in 1925, as an "outgrowth of [his] course in heredity at the University of Vermont." A by-product of the Survey was the Vermont Commission on Country Life established two years later (Perkins 1930, 1). Perkins declared the Commission wished to examine the motives of those Vermonters leaving the rural villages and the more recent immigrants and their children taking their place (Perkins 1930, 2-3). He
FOOTNOTES: 
20. Strictly speaking, many of the petition documents related to the Vermont Eugenics Survey were not official State government records. The Survey, however, operated out of the University of Vermont, a State institution, and had the backing and involvement of important State officials and agencies. For example, the names of prospective subjects for the Survey were obtained from the State industrial schools or welfare agencies which had contact with such individuals. Most importantly, the Survey's findings played a prominent role in the State's social welfare policies in the 1930's, including a "voluntary" sterilization program. For these reasons, the Survey materials are identified here as State-related documents.

21. See, for example, SSA 1995.12.11 [Second Addendum], 4, 9.
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indicated that the State's "largest single foreign element" was "French-Canadian." Smaller groups included the Scots, Italians, Welsh, Poles, and Russians, but Perkins but did not refer to any Indian group (Perkins 1930, 1-2). The Commission intended to study a "dozen or more towns," and had already researched some "key families" in rural areas for more than a year (Perkins 1930, 4-5). While this article revealed the methodology behind the Eugenics Survey, nothing in it shows the project identified or dealt with any Indian group.

The petition record contains eight unnumbered pages of a Eugenics Survey "Pedigree" file compiled around 1927 to 1930 for a prominent claimed ancestral family of some petitioning group's members. (22.) All but one page provided limited biographical information on six family members, including name, source of information for the subject, spouse's name, nationality, personality characteristics, date of birth or death, and names of children. All these individuals except for one were identified as French in nationality, and that person was listed as Irish. No one was identified as having Indian ancestry or as being part of an Indian community (Pedigree SF 1927-1930).

One of the pages submitted, containing only two short paragraphs, did not discuss any family members, but stated that a high school principal, Mr. Barton, from Essex Junction, Vermont, was a good source of information about "families in Swanton."

The document stated as follows:

Mr. Barton says that Back Bay, Swanton, was settled by the French when they thought they were settling in Canada. The result is a French and Indian mixture. He says the St. Francis Indians are a French and Indian mixture.

The principal, as paraphrased here, appeared to be giving his opinion of how he believed Swanton was originally settled by non-Indians, and how that might have contributed to the contemporary racial and ethnic makeup of the section of the town rather than identifying a contemporary Indian group in Swanton. (23.) The principal's comment on the St. Francis Indians was most likely a reference to the historical tribe at Odanak, Quebec, known by that name since the colonial period, rather than a contemporary Indian entity in Swanton. Although the petitioner goes by the name "St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of the Abenaki Nation of Vermont," a reference to the St. Francis tribe or Indians of Canada in a 20th century document, is not a reference to the petitioning group or its claimed ancestors. It must also be remembered that none of the individuals in this file was identified by the Eugenics Survey as Indian. The principal did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as part of an Indian entity in Swanton for 1927 to 1930.

The State provided some pages containing mostly biographical information relating to another family from the Eugenics Survey files, apparently compiled about 1930 (Eugenics Survey of Vermont 1930, npn). Some petitioner members claim to be descended from the family mentioned in these documents. The biographical information, consisting of 10 unnumbered
FOOTNOTES:
22. The State submitted six pages; the petitioner submitted two.

23. The principal's opinion was historically incorrect. In fact, many of the original, permanent non-Indian settlers of Swanton in the late 1780's and 1790's, were not French from Canada, but English and Dutch settlers from the United States. French-Canadians began migrating to the Swanton area in significant numbers during the middle of the 19th century.
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pages for a few of the ancestral members of this family, came from the notes of the Survey interviewer (Harriett E. Abbott). While a few individuals claimed some Indian ancestry, the Survey did not identify any "tribal" entity to which they belonged or indicate they were part of a contemporary Indian entity. One family member mentioned her great-grandmother was an Indian from St. Regis, New York (Akwesasne), and one male member reported being part Kickapoo. Another female member, who had married into the family, claimed to be from Caughnawaga (Kahnawà:ke), indicating likely Iroquois (or Mohawk) rather than Western Abenaki ancestry. The pages from this file identified other families married into the line as partially of Indian descent, but did not specify any Indian entity. It also contained five pages of information about several small towns in northwestern Vermont, including Grand Isle and Swanton, suggested for possibly being part of the study (Eugenics Survey of Vermont 1930). But the file offered no discussion of an Indian entity in these towns; rather it affirmed most of these towns were predominantly French-Canadian. This document did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as an American Indian entity.

The State submitted portions of the first few chapters and the appendices from a 1937 book by Elin Anderson called We Americans, based on a Eugenics Survey project. It was a "sociological" study of ethnic groups in Burlington (Anderson 1937, 8). This study found that 40 percent of Burlington's population was either immigrants or their children. French-Canadians were the largest ethnic group, being half of all the first- and second-generation ethnics, and one-fifth of the city's population. Other ethnic groups in descending order by number were English-. Canadian., Irish, Russian and Polish (these two groups classified as mostly Jewish), English, Italian, German, and 29 other nationalities. Two-thirds of the city's population derived from these newer ethnic groups (Anderson 1937, 17-18). The remaining populace was "Yankee" or fourth-generation "kindred ethnic stocks," defined as English, English-Canadians, or Germans of Protestant faith (Anderson 1937, 19). The study did not, however, describe or identify any Indian entity containing the petitioner's claimed ancestors in the community.

The State also offered excerpts from Lillian Ainsworth's article entitled "Vermont Studies in Mental Deficiency," which appeared in the 1944 issue of Vermont Social Welfare. Ainsworth, a former journalist, poet, and editor of Vermont Social Welfare, served for several years as secretary to the Commissioner of the State Department of Public Welfare before her death in 1946. The article described the history of the Eugenics Survey from its inception in 1925 to its conclusion six years later (Ainsworth ca. 1944). Ainsworth provided some information about the methodology employed in the Burlington study and how it surveyed certain ethnic groups, but she did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as part of an Indian entity considered for examination.

Dealings with County, Parish, or other Local Governments

The State submitted approximately three dozen birth certificates dated 1904 to 1920 from Swanton, Vermont, belonging to some of the petitioning group's claimed ancestors. The petitioner contends the records are significant because in some cases individuals appear to be listed as "Indian-White." But the racial designations are ambiguous, as described in more detail in criterion 83.7(b). In no case did the record keeper identify any of these individuals as belonging to a specific Indian group (Birth Certificates [BC] 1904-1920). And even if he or she had correctly identified Indian ancestry for the child, the identification of all individual as having
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Indian ancestry does not constitute an identification of an Indian entity. To be acceptable evidence for criterion 83.7(a), an Indian group must be identified, not just an individual.

Anthropologists, Historians, and/or other Scholars

In 1907, the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology published the Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Part I, edited by Frederick W. Hodge. The State provided a section of the book dealing with the Abenaki. The study described the historical Abenaki as being mostly from Maine. It asserted that since 1749, "the different [Abenaki] tribes" had "gradually dwindled into insignificance." The remaining descendants "of those who emigrated from Maine, together with remnants of other New England tribes," were "now at St. Francis and Becancour, in Quebec, where under the name of Abenaki, they numbered 395 in 1903" (Hodge 1907, 3-4). This identification of the Indians at St. Francis and Becancour in Quebec, Canada, is not an identification of the petitioner, whose claimed ancestors lived almost entirely in northwestern Vermont at that time. The book provided the populations of the Penobscots and Passamaquoddies of Maine, neither of which are Western Abenaki (Hodge 1907, 4). Regarding the historical Missisquoi ("Missiassik") Indians of Vermont, from which the petitioner claims to have descended, the book portrayed them as "formerly living" in a village on Vermont's Missisquoi River. According to Hodge, this village had been abandoned around 1730. He did not identify a contemporary group living in this area (Hodge 1907, 872). This selection did not identify the petitioning group as an Indian entity in 1907.

The State furnished excerpts from Warren K. Moorehead's American Indian in the United States, Period 1850-1914. When the book was published in 1914, Moorehead was curator for the Department of American Archaeology at Phillips Academy in Massachusetts and a member of the U.S. Board of Indian Commissioners. Moorhead described the present condition of northeast Indians. For New England, he discussed only the Penobscots and Passamaquoddies of Maine, neither of which are Western Abenakis or the claimed ancestors of the petitioner (Moorehead 1914.00.00, 32-35). The book did not identify the petitioning group as an Indian entity in 1914.

The State supplied a copy of the 1926 article, "Culture Problems in Northeastern North America," by anthropologist Frank Speck, which appeared in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. Speck spent considerable time, including field work, studying Abenaki groups in Maine and Canada during his career. He described the article as a "survey" of the "cultural properties" of Indians in northeastern North America. Speck also discussed in broad cultural terms the "Wabanaki group south of the St. Lawrence." In this region were "the members of the "Wabanaki" group, beginning with the Pigwacket of New Hampshire, extending eastward and embracing the Sakoki, (24.) Aroosaguntacook and Norridgewock, and the better known Wawenock, Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Malecite and Micmac, with an approximate native population of some 6,000" (Speck 1926.04.23, 272, 282). As described here by Speck, none of these groups was in the Lake Champlain region of Vermont, which is the claimed geographical center of the petitioning group. Most of the analysis Speck provided focused on the Eastern Abenakis of Labrador or Maine and their aboriginal antecedents, with extensive reliance
FOOTNOTES:
24. Before Gordon Day cleared up the confusion in the late 1970's, many historians and anthropologists mistakenly identified with the Saco River Indians of Maine, who were Eastern Abenakis, with the Sokoki Indians of the upper Connecticut River, who were Western Abenaki (Day 1978a, 148).
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on archeological evidence (Speck 1926.04.23, 282-292). He did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as part of a contemporary Indian entity in Vermont or elsewhere 1926.

The State included a copy of Irving Hallowell's 1926 article, "Recent Changes in the Kinship Terminology of the St. Francis Abenaki," published in the Proceedings of the International Congress of Americanists. The work was mainly a linguistic study of those St. Francis Indians in Quebec. Hallowell, an expert on Algonquian tribes, assessed changes in kinship terminology among the "St. Francis Abenaki tribe during the past two centuries" (Hallowell 1928, 98). These St. Francis Indians were not the claimed ancestors of the petitioner in northwestern Vermont in 1928. Hallowell described them as the Indians who had "occupied a reservation oil the St. Francis River (P. Q., Canada), about sixty miles east of Montreal since the end of the 17th century, although their ancestral home was in New England." In his view, these were the "native peoples who formerly occupied the lower Kennebec (Canibas or Norridgewocks, and Wawenock) and the Valley of the Androscoggin (Arosaguntecook) Rivers in Maine with at least some additions from the region of Saco (Sokokis) and Merrimac (Pennacooks) in New Hampshire" (Hallowell 1928, 98-99). While Hallowell discussed some historical groups in Maine and Vermont, and the contemporary St. Francis Indians of Quebec, he did not identify the petitioning group's claimed ancestors as part of an American Indian entity in Vermont or elsewhere in 1926.

In 1948, the Library of Congress published William Harlen Gilbert Jr.'s, Surviving Indian Groups of the Eastern United States, an excerpt of which the State furnished. Gilbert provided the population of many New England Indian groups, none of which identified the petitioning group. For Maine, he supplied the following totals: 76 "Malecites" [Maliseets] in Aroostook County on the "northern border," 444 Passamaquoddies in Washington County on the "eastern border," and 354 Penobscots in the county of the same name in Central Maine. None of these groups are Western Abenaki. He did not note any "surviving social groups of Indians" for either New Hampshire or Vermont. Instead, he asserted New Hampshire had only a "few Pennacook Indians near Manchester,"and Vermont a "few scattered Indians" on the census records (Gilbert 1948, 407, 409).

The State also submitted portions of journal notes from Gordon Day, a leading expert on the historical Western Abenaki. Day engaged in extensive study of the Western Abenaki from the late 1940's to his death in 1993. He kept this journal from 1948 to 1962, while doing field work among the St. Francis Indians of Quebec, Canada. Throughout the journal, Day recorded his visits to various Indians and Indian groups, mainly Western Abenaki from Canada. In August 1951, Day recorded his visit to "Chief Wawa's" camp in Keene, New York, operated by an Odanak Indian named Henry Wawanolett, indicating that early on he was attempting to visit Indians in the United States as well as at the St. Francis reservation in Quebec (Day 1948.07.001962.11.13, 1). He also mentioned members of the Obomsawin family, Western Abenaki informants connected to the Saint Francis reservation in Quebec, then living at Thompson's Point on Lake Champlain in Charlotte, Vermont. On July 28, 1957, Marion Obomsawin (b.1883) and her sister Elvine Obomsawin Royce (b. 1886) informed Day their father originally came from Odanak and migrated to Vermont between 1895 and 1900 (Day 1948.07.00-1962.11.13,1-2,9,13-14).

Friday, October 8, 2010

St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis: Proposed Finding--Summary Under the Criteria--That This Group Does Not Exist As A Indian or Abenaki Tribe: Pages 10 to 19:

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Overview of the Petitioner and its Claimed Connection to the Historical Tribe

The Petitioner's Claims
The petitioner claims to have descended as a group mainly from the Missisquoi, a Western Abenaki tribe of Algonquian Indians which occupied the Lake Champlain region around the town of Swanton in northwestern Vermont during the colonial period (1650-1776). In the preface to its 1982 petition, the group defined itself and the historical tribe from which it claims to have evolved in this way:

It has been almost two centuries since the Indian ancestors of the contemporary Abenakis were driven from their villages by the tide of white settlement in northwestern Vermont. Some fled to Canada. Others stayed. Some who fled returned, joining others that stayed, accomodating [sic] themselves to a changed world. This petition contains a history of the Abenaki people of the Lake Champlain valley and Missisquoi Bay, and of individuals and families that maintained themselves in their traditional home. After years of silent and sometimes painful accomodation [sic], these families are now seeking recognition as an American Indian tribe. (SSA 1982. 10.00 Petition, iv-v)

The petitioner further claimed the following:

While precise figures will probably never be known for certain, it is clear by now that a number of Abenaki families never left Vermont, and that by 1830, many had begun to reestablish communities in Swanton, St. Albans Bay, and Grand Isle which have a documented existence down to the present day. (SSA 1982. 10.00 Petition, 9)

The State's Comments

The State disputes the petitioner's claim to have descended from the historical Missisquoi tribe from the Colonial period. It points out that the petitioning group adopted several names since 1976 that has confused the issue of the historical tribe. These names include the "Sovereign Republic of the Abenaki Nation of Missisquoi" and the "St. Francis/Sokoki Band of the Abenaki Nation of Vermont." According to the State, this "suggest[s] three possible historical tribes:

St. Francis Abenaki, Sokoki, and Missisquoi" (VER 2002.12.00-2003.01.00 [Response], 1-2). It describes these three as follows:

The St. \ Francis Abenaki is, and was, a Canadian tribe based in St. Francis, Quebec, also known as Odanak, Quebec. The Sokoki, a tribe within the Wabanaki Confederacy, inhabited the Connecticut River Valley along the border between Vermont and New Hampshire. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they resettled at Odanak/ St. Francis. The Missisquoi inhabited the upper Lake Champlain region on the western side of Vermont. They have often been thought to be an offshoot of the Abenaki tribe at Odanak/ St. Francis. Even the petitioner admits that "the Missisquoi villagers were never a tribe," but rather
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changing group of families who hunted in the area (2.) The confusion in nomenclature in the petitioner's submission may indicate a more serious ambiguity as to identity and an uncertainty about community and descendancy. (VER 2002.12.00-2003.01.00 [Response], 2)

On the question of the historical tribe, the State concluded thus:

The petitioner claims its historic origins lie in the northern Lake Champlain Valley, near Missisquoi Bay in Swanton, Vermont, the same area in which most of its members reside at present.. This would suggest the petitioner's members view themselves as descendants of the Missisquoi, not the Sokoki. The history of the Abenakis of Missisquoi and those of the Odanak/ St. Francis is extensively intertwined. The inclusion of the St. Francis tribal name in the petitioner's original submission indicates a sense of affiliation with that Canadian tribe. One theme of this Response to the Petition is that the Missisquois drew closer and closer to the Abenakis of Odanak/ St. Francis so that by 1800 they were indistinguishable. (VER 2002.12.00-2003.01.00 [Response], 3)

Scholarly Views of the Evolution of the Historical Western Abenaki from 1600 to 1800

The most authoritative scholarship on the historical Western Abenaki comes from Gordon Day, an ethnologist from Dartmouth College and the National Museum of Man in Quebec, Canada. Day devoted over forty years of scholarship, from the late 1940's to his death in 1993, to the Western Abenaki. This research included extensive field work and interviews, mainly among Indians from the St. Francis Reservation in Quebec, Canada (3.) According to Day, the Abenaki tribes of northern New England were divided into two groups, the Eastern Abenaki and Western Abenaki, distinguishable by an Algonquian language different mainly in "phonology, grammar, and lexicon." Generally, the Eastern Abenaki, which included the Penobscots, occupied portions of Maine and some sections of eastern New Hampshire during the period. The Western Abenaki inhabited most of Vermont, including the eastern section of the Lake Champlain Valley, most of New Hampshire, portions of central Massachusetts along the Connecticut River, and parts of southwest Quebec in the region of the Richelieu, Missisquoi, and St. Francois Rivers (Day 1978a, 148). Day estimated the pre-contact population of the Western Abenaki was about 5,000 before plague and war brought by European settlers severely reduced their numbers (Day 1978a, 152-153).

According to Day, the "geographically central tribe of the western Abenaki region, the one that formed the beginnings of the village of Saint Francis (Odanak)," was called "the Sokoki of the upper Connecticut River" (Day 1978a, 148). Primary documents from the 17th century show, according to Day, that the Sokoki inhabited "the entire upper Connecticut River, which would extend the name Sokoki to the Cowasucks at Newbury, Vermont." Other component groups
FOOTNOTES:
2. See page 15 of the 1982 petition narrative.

3. The scholarship includes dozens of books, articles, and reviews on the Western Abenaki. The best overview of Day's scholarship is In Search of New England's Native Past: Selected Essays by Gordon H. Day, edited by Michael K. Foster and William Cowan (Amherst, 1998). 
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were the "tribes of the upper Merrimack River" including the Winnipesaukees and the Pennacooks at Concord, New Hampshire (Day 1978a, 148).

Day also asserted the following:

The Vermont shore of Lake Champlain was probably occupied by Western Abenakis from prehistoric times. Villages at the mouths of the Winooski, flic Lamoille, and the Missisquoi rivers, on Grand Isle, and elsewhere are known. But in the eighteenth century, their population gradually concentrated at Missisquoi, and the Missisquoi tribe came to stand, in most writings, for all the Lake Champlain Abenakis. (Day 1978a, 149)

Day maintained that almost all of these Western Abenakis, "the inhabitants of the country from the Merrimack River to Lake Champlain," eventually relocated to the Saint-Francois River area of Quebec," and became part of the St. Francis [Odanak] village, which also incorporated " some Eastern Abenakis from the Chaudiere mission and some southern New England Indians, probably mostly Pocumtucks and Nipmucks" (Day 1978a, 149).

The first French settlers arrived in the area between 1669 and 1672, and established a mission at St. Francis in Quebec in the late 17th century (4.) The exodus of Western Abenakis in New England to the village, sparked first by Indian conflicts and later colonial warfare between the French and English, commenced in the late 1660's and continued until just after the American Revolution (Day 1981, 5-12).

When the French settlers first arrived in the late 1660's, there were probably already some Sokoki Indians in the area. It appears that the Sokoki were using the region south of the St. Lawrence River as hunting territory in the early 17th century. The Sokokis came from the upper Connecticut River near northern Massachusetts and southern Vermont. Their main village was called Squakheag at Northfield, Massachusetts. In the early 1660's, the Sokoki may have been visiting Canada to trade with the French. In 1663, following an attack by the Iroquois [Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas], they began gradually migrating to the St. Lawrence River area. They abandoned Squakheag soon after and other Sokoki north on the Connecticut River soon followed. Additional Sokoki refugees came to the St. Francis region in Quebec during King Philip's War from 1675 to 1676 (Day 1981, 12-16, 62-63). Day stated that "we cannot confidently reconstruct the population of Squakheag nor form a good estimate of the size of the groups which left the Sokwaki [Sokoki] country at different times for different destinations." He cited one scholar who estimated settlement sizes as "500-750 persons for Pocumtuck and from 1,764 to 2,000 for the middle Connecticut Valley between Springfield and Squakheag and 500
FOOTNOTES:
4. The village, about four miles from the mouth of the Saint Francois River in Quebec, has been in existence since at least 1672. The French mission was established in 1683, and was originally located at the mouth of the Chaudiere River near Quebec City, before it was moved southward around 1700 to the Indian village. Historians and other observers have tended to refer to the French mission and the Indian village as St. Francis. The Indians always called the village Odanak (Day 1978a, 1-2; 1981, 1, 5). In this finding, the Saint Francis Village or Reservation and Odanak are sometimes used interchangeably as a term for the location of the St. Francis Indians of Quebec, Canada, a Canadian-Indian entity which has existed since the colonial period. The petitioner has adopted the name "St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Abenakis of Vermont," but it is not the same entity as the St. Francis Indians of Odanak in Quebec, Canada, and should not be confused with it.

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persons at Squakheag" (Day 1981, 16). But whatever their estimated population at one time, losses to epidemics and further war casualties during the 1680's and 1690's drastically reduced their number at St. Francis to only 25 people. Others, however, lived elsewhere at other missions and villages in the region, and they later relocated to and augmented the population at Odanak (Day 1981, 63-64).

Other Western Abenakis began arriving in the St. Francis area in Quebec in 1676, one year after the outbreak of King Philip's War. The first migrants, possibly some Pennacooks from New. Hampshire, arrived in the spring of 1676, when the war's course turned against the Indians (Day 1981) 18-19). As stated previously, more Sokoki were displaced and joined other extant tribal members who had left earlier. In the summer of 1676, about 250 Indians of various New England tribes, including some Western Abenaki, involved in the war fled across Massachusetts to settle in the Schaghticoke refugee village in upstate New York just north of Albany (Day 1978, 150; 1981, 20-21). A number of Schaghticoke refugees began gradually migrating to St. Francis in Quebec in the early 1690's, some briefly stopping on Lake Champlain, and continued to do so for about 50 years (Day 1978a, 151; 1981, 64). Day also thought it probable that some Sokoki and Pennacook may have briefly settled in the Lake Champlain area of northern Vermont following King Philip's War, and that there was a settlement, perhaps even a short-lived French mission, for these Indians in the early 1680's at the lake's northern end (Day 1978a, 150-151; 1981, 64).


The next Western Abenaki group to relocate to St. Francis in Quebec was the Cowasuck. The Cowasuck, a group closely related to the Sokoki, had inhabited the upper Connecticut River valley in the vicinity of Newbury, Vermont, possibly as early as 1663. They apparently abandoned the Newbury area in 1704 during Queen Anne's War (1701-1713), and probably remained largely absent from the location until the 1760's when English settlers began occupying the area in force. During this time the Cowasucks "may have been either at Odanak or the headwaters of the Connecticut River" (Day 1978a, 151; 1981, 52, 65). Day believed about 700 Cowasucks and Androscoggins still "remained in relatively safe retreats in the forests between the American and British frontiers in 1775" (Day 1981, 65). By 1798, most of these Indians had migrated to Odanak (Day 1981, 111).

Indeed old "Chief" Indian Philip, Metallak, etc. were "left behind" in the "English settlements" by approximately 1796. Most of these elderly Indian people's "Abenaki" families had indeed relocated to Odanak, Quebec, Canada.

It is difficult to determine the population of the St. Francis village in Quebec during this period, since it fluctuated dramatically with the influx of refugees seeking shelter or warriors desiring to use it as a base of operations during the colonial wars. In 1727, just after Dummer's War (17221727; sometimes called Grey Lock's War) between the Abenaki and Massachusetts, the village probably had 60 warriors or 300 people, although some may have been refugees who later returned to their homelands (Day 1981, 38). In 1752, just after King George's War (1744-1748), Day estimated there were about 900 people at St. Francis in Quebec. In 1763, due to deaths and dispersal during the French and Indian War, the population had shrunk to about 400 (Day 1981, 42-45, 64).

The last significant component of Western Abenaki to migrate to St. Francis was the Missisquoi, who occupied the Lake Champlain region of northwestern Vermont. The petitioner claims to have descended from this group. Day believed evidence showed the village of Missisquoi (located near the contemporary town of Swanton, Vermont) was already in existence by the late
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1690's or early 1700's, but the exact date of its establishment was unclear. It was briefly deserted by its inhabitants in 1732, when they fled to Odanak to escape an epidemic. The Massachusetts Indian warrior Grey Lock used it as a center of operations during Dummer's War, where he received assistance from several Western Abenaki tribes, including those at St. Francis. His hit-and-run attacks against the Massachusetts militia made the Missisquoi Indians on Lake Champlain well known among the colonists. In 1736, St. Francis and the Missisquoi village probably contained about 180 warriors or 900 people. In 1745, an estimated 90 warriors were at St. Francis and 40 at Missisquoi (Day 1981, 35-40, 64).

From about 1743 to 1759, there was a small French presence at the Missisquoi village. The French first established a mission (1743) and later a sawmill (1754) at the site. They were permanently driven out of the village by English troops in 1759 during the French and Indian War (1754-1763). For the most part, the Missisquoi Indians remained in their territory "until the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1775" (Day 1981, 49). The Revolution caused divided loyalties among many eastern Indians, including the Western Abenakis, who tried to remain neutral but were frequently drawn into the conflict anyway (Day 1981, 52-55; see also Calloway 1990a, 204-223). The precise location of many Western Abenaki during the war is difficult to determine because of the resulting disruption. Some retreated to safe zones in the forests between the American and British frontiers. Others made their way to St. Francis in Quebec (Day 1981, 52-55, 65). According to Day, Missisquoi

was seemingly abandoned for a time, but it is unclear what part of the population went to Odanak and what part merely withdrew to temporary havens close by. There was one camp at Clarence, Quebec, in 1782. A small village still existed at Missisquoi in 1786 after the war. Only some twenty persons remained in 1788, and these may have stayed on to contribute to the present-day Indian group at Swanton, but most of the Missisquoi had left by 1800. However indirect their withdrawal, there are a dozen Missisquoi family names in the 1829 census of Odanak. (Day 1981, 65)

Permanent non-Indian settlement of the Missisquoi area in northwestern Vermont began in the late 1780's, and played a key role in displacing the few remaining Indians. (5.) Indeed, "all but a few scattered" Western Abenakis appeared "to have left northern Vermont, New Hampshire and western Maine for Odanak, although they continued to hunt south of the border for several years." As Day saw it, the "village of Odanak was essentially complete" by 1800 (Day 1981, 65).

Since the 18th century, the St. Francis Indians at Odanak have had a well-documented existence on Canadian government censuses and other lists. According to Day, these censuses at Odanak showed "the great majority of the family names were of Missisquoi origin." This development meant that in the 20th century, scholars were able to work "directly with the descendants of Missisquoi families, many of whom returned regularly to Missisquoi until the 1920's," making it
FOOTNOTES:
5. English settlers in significant numbers occupied most of Vermont except for the Missisquoi region during the 1760's and 1770's. The disruption of the American Revolution essentially delayed the inevitable settlement of the Missisquoi area until the 1780's (see Calloway 1990a, 183-186).
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"possible to recover a considerable amount of information about the culture and way of life of the Abenaki at Missisquoi" (Day 1998, 146-147). Day did not indicate that any of the St. Francis Indians of Odanak who returned temporarily to the Missisquoi area of Vermont or elsewhere ever established or existed as an Indian community. He never identified the petitioner's claimed ancestors, the Missisquoi, as an Indian community in either Canada or the United States.


The other leading scholars on the Western Abenaki are Colin Calloway and William A. Haviland. Calloway, a professor of history at Dartmouth College, has written several works on the Western Abenaki, focusing on the period before 1800 (6.) On the whole, Calloway's work reflects the main arguments of Gordon Day with only minor variations. The major difference. between the two occurs in Calloway's brief discussions of the fate of Vermont's Indians after 1800. In brief, Calloway, like Day, argued that the Western Abenaki had been adversely affected by war and migration before 1800. Most, by that time, had left northern Vermont for the St. Francis village, which during this period incorporated other displaced Indians and even European captives from other locations from northern New England. Calloway, however, diverted from Day's thesis by arguing that some of the Western Abenakis in northern New England remained behind, living on the fringes of white communities, and practicing a transient lifestyle. He claimed at one point several hundred lived in northwestern New England. Calloway portrayed these people not as one group or as living in a particular settlement, but as a "fluid network" of family bands (7.) Yet, when offering documentary evidence for their existence, he could provide only sporadic descriptions or reminiscences, mainly from pre-1860 Vermont newspapers or local histories, of mostly unidentified, isolated, dispersed, or nomadic Indians or Indian families (Calloway 1990a, 234). Much of Calloway's thesis regarding the post-colonial period also depended heavily on the work 'of the petitioner and its researcher, John Moody, which, as this finding demonstrates, is highly speculative and not reliable.
William A. Haviland, a professor of anthropology at the University of Vermont, co-authored The Original Vermonters, published in 1981, and revised in 1994. (8.) Most of this work, except for the final chapter, covered Western Abenaki history in Vermont before 1800 with little difference from Gordon Day's research. For the period after 1800, both editions drew heavily on the unpublished work of petitioner researcher John Moody and the group's petition for Federal acknowledgment. (9.)
FOOTNOTES:
6. The major works are "Green Mountain Diaspora: Indian Population Movements in Vermont, 1600-1800," Vermont History 54 (Fall 1986); "Survival through Dispersal: Vermont Abenakis in the Eighteenth Century," AHA Meeting, 1987; "Surviving the Dark Ages: Vermont Abenakis during the Contact Period," Vermont History 38 (Spring 1990); The Western Abenaki of Vermont, 1600-1800: War, Migration, and the Survival of an Indian People (Norman, Ok, 1990).

7. See Calloway 1990a, 238-251; 1986.00.00, 220-222; 1987.12.30, 5-6.

8. Marjory Powers was co-author.

9. On page 301 in the bibliographical notes, the authors stated: "For events following 1763, we have relied almost exclusively on Moody (1979) and data froth Abenaki petition (1982) and its addendum (1986), much of which were gathered by Moody."
St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis:
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In the period after 1800, Haviland claimed at least 25 to 30 Missisquoi families chose to remain near their original village. The ones who stayed became "invisible" to whites, looking and acting like Europeans, adopting Western clothes, using guns and metal tools, speaking French, and practicing Catholicism. He argued the loss of land "forced them to breakup into smaller, more mobile groups—the old family bands--heavily dependent on hunting, fishing, and gathering for subsistence, supplemented by the sale of baskets and other craft items." These Indians maintained this lifestyle until about the 1850's, when they were able to "regroup into small, but sedentary communities at such places as Swanton's Back Bay" (Haviland 1994, 245- 246

Haviland provided no documentary evidence to demonstrate the existence of these "communities,"or to connect them to the petitioner. Like Calloway, he relied mainly on occasional references in local histories of sporadic sightings of unidentified Indians usually described as being from Canada. In addition, he also depended heavily on the highly speculative work of the petitioner and its researcher John Moody for his analysis on the post-colonial history of Vermont's Western Abenaki. That research does not demonstrate the existence of a Western Abenaki community in northwestern Vermont, nor does it show that the petitioning group descended from any Western Abenaki entity in Vermont or Canada. Indeed, the available documentary evidence indicates that by 1800 almost all of Vermont's Indians had withdrawn to the village of St. Francis, and the few who remained behind did not thereafter constitute a community distinct from other people.

The Petitioner's Connection to the Historical Tribe, 1600-1800

The available evidence does not demonstrate that the SSA ("St. Francis-Sokoki Abenakis group") or its claimed ancestors evolved as a group from the St. Francis Indians of Quebec, Canada (or another Indian group in Quebec), a Missisquoi Abenaki entity in northwestern Vermont, or any other Western Abenaki group or Indian entity from New England in existence before 1800. Several Canadian censuses or lists of the St. Francis Indians from the 19th century are available, but only a very small number of the members of the petitioning group claim descent from a person descended from the Indians at Odanak (10.) As best as can be determined, only 8 of the petitioner's 1,171 members claim descent from the Odanak Indians at St. Francis. These few current members (Jeanne Anne nee: Deforge's "O'Bomsawin ancestors and their descendants") who claim descent from St. Francis Indians have only a very recent (post-1975) connection to the petitioning group. Also, the petitioning group has not submitted any copies of rolls or other documents in which its claimed ancestors are described as part of a historical tribe.

The petitioner submitted a copy of Robertson's Lease of 1765 that contains the names of possible Missisquoi Abenaki (Robertson 1765.05.28) (11.) Gordon Day described the document as
FOOTNOTES:
10. Existing documents naming 19th century Odanak residents include the Durham lease of 1805, a War of 1812 Veteran's roster, censuses from 1829, 1830, 1832, 1841, 1844, 1845, 1850, 1851, 1852, 1873, and 1875, an agreement from 1842, a petition from 1874 and a payment list from 1893 (see Day 1981, 70-73). The petition record contains the 1832, 1873, and 1875 censuses, the 1842 agreement, the 1874 petition, and the 1893 payment list, all of which the State submitted. Gordon Day's 1981 Identity of the Saint Francis Indians also contains a comprehensive analysis of many of these sources (Day 1981, 66-107).

11. The only other pre-1800 document in the available record containing the names of possible Missisquoi Abenaki is a register of the chaplains at Fort Saint-Frederic on Lake Champlain in upstate New York (Roy 1946, 268-312).
St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis:
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"a lease of land on the Missisquoi [River] in 1765 to James Robertson of St. Jean, Quebec, [which] bore the names of twenty signers and land owners at Missisquoi." According to Day, "some of the names" were not "family names," but of those which were, half were "later found at Saint-Francois" [Odanak in Quebec] (Day 1981.00.00, 68-69, see also 77, 78, 80 85, 89, 91, 93, 96-97, 99-100; see also Robertson 1765.05.28) (12.) The location of the leased land, the lease transaction date and terminology, and the appearance of some.of these family names later at St. Francis, allows for a reasonable assumption that the named individuals were mainly Western Abenaki, possibly from Missisquoi, although not all were identified or described as Indians or Missisquoi Abenakis (see discussion under criterion 83.7(e)). It is uncertain from the available evidence whether the people listed on the lease were still living in the area, or had left their territory near Missisquoi Bay and taken up residence (either temporary or permanently) at or near St. Francis. The petitioner, however, has not submitted evidence that demonstrates its claimed ancestors descended from individuals listed on Robertson's Lease (13.)

The available evidence does not demonstrate the petitioner has a historical or social connection to any Western Abenaki entity in existence before 1800.The petitioner has not provided sufficient evidence to establish that a predominant portion of its claimed ancestors were interacting as a group before 1800. In fact, it is not known from the available evidence what the petitioner's claimed ancestors were doing before taking up residence in Vermont in the 19th century. Contrary to the petitioner's assertions, the evidence indicates that SSA's claimed ancestors moved to northwest Vermont as individual families from a variety of locations (for a more detailed discussion, see criterion 83.7(b)), and had not known each other prior to their arrival in Vermont.

The Petitioner and its Claimed Ancestors, 1800 to the Present

The petitioner claims to have descended mainly from Missisquoi Abenaki who remained in northwestern Vermont after 1800 or returned to the area once they deemed it "safe." The petitioner claims its ancestors lived an inconspicuous "underground" lifestyle until the 1970's, although the details of this process are unclear, given the limited available evidence. A full discussion of the activities of the petitioner's claimed ancestors following 1800 can be found mainly in criterion 83.7(b). The group's 1982 petition described the claimed ancestors as living mainly around the towns of Swanton, St. Albans, and Highgate in Franklin County in northwestern Vermont near the Canadian border. In its 1986 petition, the group expanded its historical and geographical territory significantly. For 1790, the petitioner claimed 378 (possibly as many as 3,000) people in 61 families, 10 neighborhoods, in 8 towns in Franklin County. For

Gordon Day described the register (dated between 1735 and 1758) as containing "some 150 names of 'Abenakis,' sometimes indicated as from Missisquoi or Saint-Francois. The great majority were listed only by their French baptismal names, and very few can be identified" (Day 1981.00.00, 68). In fact, Day was able to identify only 17 surnames from the register as the names of families who later took up residence at Odanak, and only 5 names of known Missisquoi Abenaki families (Day 1981.00.00, 68). There is no available evidence that the petitioner's claimed ancestors descended from these few individuals. See criterion 83.7(e) for more detail on this register.
FOOTNOTES:
12. For versions of Robertson's lease see FAIR Image File ID SSA-PFD-VO03-DO051 or SSA-PDF-V003-D0048 under FAIR Short Citation: Robertson 1765.05.28.

13. Nor is there available evidence to show these individuals made any later claims to lands at Missisquoi.
St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis:
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1800, it claimed 207 ancestral members lived in 38 families, 19 neighborhoods, in 11 towns. For 1910, there were 1,623 claimed ancestral members in 329 families, 311 households, 30 neighborhoods, in 8 towns (SSA 1996.01.17, Appendix 1 A, 9). As these figures demonstrate, the petitioner believes the group's claimed ancestors have had a well-established presence in Franklin County since 1800 (see also St. Francis 1989.01.27).

The available evidence, however, demonstrates that no external observers from 1800 to 1975 identified or described the petitioner's claimed ancestors, or any group of Indians, as an Indian entity in northwestern Vermont (see criterion 83.7(a) and (b)). Nor did any external observers during that time describe the group's claimed ancestors as a community that had maintained a minimal social distinction from other populations in the area. The available evidence from 1800 to 1975 also does not show that the petitioner's claimed ancestors described themselves as an Indian entity or described themselves as a community that had maintained a minimal distinction from others. Indeed, the available evidence indicates the group's claimed ancestors moved as individual families to northwestern Vermont from a number of areas in Canada and the northeastern United States. This began around the early 19th century and continued until well into the 20th century. Little is known from the available evidence about their existence before they arrived in Vermont, but there is no indication they descended from an Indian group in Canada. This evidence is discussed in detail in criterion 83.7(b).

As the following discussion under the criteria demonstrates, the few Indians described by external observers in Vermont from 1800 to 1975 were usually isolated individuals or groups traveling seasonally to the area to hunt, fish, or to sell baskets and crafts. These Indians are usually unidentified by name or point of origin, and the petitioner has not established a connection to these people. One important exception in the available evidence is the small Simon Obomsawin family, well-known Western Abenakis long associated with the St. Francis reservation in Quebec, who lived at Thompson's Point on Lake Champlain in Charlotte, Vermont, from about 1900 to 1959 (Day 1948.07.00-1962.11.13, 1-2, 9, 13-14) (14.) Eight members of the petitioner claim descent from the father of this family, Simon Obomsawin, through his daughter Marie Elvine O'Bomsawin born March 05 1891 at Odanak, whom married Daniel Henry Royce on November 08, 1916 in Duxbury, Washington County, Vermont. The available evidence, however, does not demonstrate that these current members who claim to be the descendants of Simon Obomsawin had any significant social interaction or relationships with the petitioning group or its claimed ancestors before the 1970's.

The current petitioning group organized around 1975 when it created the Abenaki Self-Help Association, Inc. (ASHAI). Two years later, it established a governing body called the "Abenaki Tribal Council." In its 1980 letter of intent for Federal acknowledgment, the group used the name "St. Francis /Sokoki Band of Abenaki of Vermont"(however, the petitioner is not the same entity as the St. Francis Indians of Odanak in Quebec, Canada, and should not be confused with it). Over the last 29 years the petitioner has employed and been identified by various other names containing the word "Abenaki," which are described under criterion 83.7(a). From 1977 to 1980, the group's elected leader was Homer St. Francis. From 1980 to 1986, Leonard "Blackie" Miles Lampman led the group. Homer St. Francis was re-elected leader in a 1987 election, and held
FOOTNOTES:
14. Thompson's Point near the town of Charlotte extends from the eastern shore of Lake Champlain in Vermont opposite Split Rock on the western shore just south of Essex, New York (Day 1998, 232, 256-257). Thompson's Point is more than sixty miles southwest of Swanton, Vermont, the claimed geographical center of the petitioner.
St. Francis/ Sokoki Band of Vermont Abenakis:

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Page 19
the position until his death in 2002. In September 1989, the petitioning group appointed Homer St. Francis "chief" for life, and transformed the position fom an elected to a hereditary one within the St. Francis family. The post-1976 history of the group is discussed in detail under criteria 83.7(b) and (c).

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